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The Editorial covers GS paper 3[Infrastructure: Energy, Ports, Roads, Airports, Railways etc.]
The amendments to the Electricity Act 2003 will burden States and erode the concurrent status given to electricity.
If these are forcibly implemented, the move will lead to chaos and will be an unfruitful affair.
What is the background?
Finance Minister’s proposal for reform of power tariff policy — announced as part of the stimulus package following the COVID-19 pandemic — is in line with the recent comprehensive proposal to amend the Electricity Act 2003; put together, they erode the concurrent status accorded to electricity in the Constitution.
If implemented, they will weaken the control of States over the industry and choke the distribution utilities/companies (DISCOM).
What are the troubles of the DISCOM?
The continuing centralisation over the sector had the main impact in the last 25 years to drive up the cost of power purchase to 80% of the total costs of State DISCOMs.
At the core of DISCOM woes is the two-part tariff policy, mandated by the Ministry of Power in the 1990s at the behest of the World Bank.
As more private developers came forward to invest in generation, DISCOMs were required to sign long-term power purchase agreements (PPA), committing to pay a fixed cost to the power generator, irrespective of whether the State draws the power or not, and a variable charge for fuel when it does.
The PPAs signed by DISCOMs were based on an over-optimistic projection of power demand estimated by the Central Electricity Authority (CEA), a central agency.
The 18th Electric Power Survey (EPS) overestimated peak electricity demand for 2019-2020 by 70 GW.
In the event, DISCOMs locked into long-term contracts end up servicing perpetual fixed costs for power not drawn.
Due to the CEA’s overestimates, the all-India plant load factor of coal power plants is at an abysmal 56% even before COVID-19.
What are the factors of renewable energy?
From 2010, solar and wind power plants were declared as “must-run”, requiring DISCOMs to absorb all renewable power as long as there was sun or wind, in excess of mandatory renewable purchase obligations.
This means backing down thermal generation to accommodate all available green power, entailing further idle fixed costs payable on account of two-part tariff PPAs.
In the absence of viable storage, every megawatt of renewable power requires twice as much spinning reserves to keep lights on after sunset.
DISCOMs, especially in the southern region, have had to integrate large volumes of infirm power, mostly from solar and wind energy plants which enjoy must-run status irrespective of their high tariffs even as the demand growth envisaged in the 18th EPS failed to materialize.
In 2015 the Centre announced an ambitious target of 175 gigawatts of renewable power by 2022, offering a slew of concessions to renewable energy developers, and aggravating the burden of DISCOMs.
Incidentally, China benefited by as much as $13 billion in the last five years from India’s solar panel imports.
What is the backdoor entry to private entities?
It is against this backdrop that India must examine the proposals in the Electricity Act 2020.
First, the amendment proposes sub-franchisees, presumably private, in an attempt to usher in markets through the back door.
Going by past privatization experiments, private sub-franchisees are likely to cherry-pick the more profitable segments of the DISCOM’s jurisdiction.
The Electricity Bill 2020 containing the proposed amendments is silent on whether a private sub-franchisee would be required to buy the expensive power from the DISCOM or procure cheaper power directly from power exchanges.
If it is the first, the gains from the move are doubtful since the room for efficiency improvements is rather restricted in the already profitable regions attractive to sub-franchisees.
If it is the second, DISCOMs will then be saddled with costly power purchase from locked-in PPAs and fewer profitable areas from which to recover it.
How can cross-subsidies be eliminated?
The most controversial amendment proposed, seeks to eliminate in one stroke, the cross-subsidies in retail power tariff.
This means each consumer category would be charged what it costs to service that category.
Rural consumers requiring long lines and numerous step-down transformers and the attendant higher line losses will pay the steepest tariffs.
Disingenuously, the proposed amendments envisage that State governments will directly subsidize whichever category they want to, through direct benefit transfers.
There is undoubtedly a case for reducing the steep cross-subsidies in electricity.
But eliminating them in one stroke when State governments are already struggling with direct power subsidies is bound to be ruinous to their finances.
How is it jeopardizing the autonomy of states?
The amendment proposes even greater concessions to renewable power developers, with its cascading impact on idling fixed charges, impacting the viability of DISCOMs even more.
The state regulators will be appointed by a central selection committee, the composition of which inspires little confidence in its objectivity, jeopardizing not only regulatory autonomy and independence but also the concurrent status of the electricity sector.
The establishment of a centralized Electricity Contract Enforcement Authority whose members and the chairman will again be selected by the same selection committee referred to above.
The power to adjudicate upon disputes relating to contracts will be taken away from State Electricity Regulatory Commissions and vested in this new authority, ostensibly to protect and foster the sanctity of contracts.
The Electricity Bill 2020 pertains to be drafted to shift the burden imposed by the short-sighted policies of the Centre onto States, with serious consequences for the nation’s energy security. The amendments should be done by taking into account the due considerations of states and DISCOMS and the impact of COVID-19 if forcibly implemented, the move will lead to chaos and an unfruitful affair.
Source: The Hindu.